Dyer: Netanyahu’s political life still short, despite Trump

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In the 80 hours between the announcement of the Gaza ceasefire agreement on Jan. 16 and the day it went into effect, Sunday Jan. 19, Israeli air strikes on the Gaza Strip killed 123 Palestinians including dozens of women and children. The Israel Defence Force (IDF) said it tried to avoid civilian casualties, but it had to kill the “terrorists” of Hamas wherever they were.

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Now, it has to stop killing them, at least for a while. Thirty three Israelis will be freed by Hamas during the next few weeks in return for 1,890 Palestinian prisoners. However, much of the IDF and even members of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s own cabinet expect to go back to war after the first phase of the hostage exchange.

The second phase requires complete withdrawal of the IDF from the Gaza Strip and the use of Hamas members as a sort of police force (mostly unarmed) to help more than a million Palestinians return to their wrecked homes in the northern part of the territory. That is unthinkable for many Israelis.

The cynics therefore were convinced Netanyahu would first take credit for the hostage exchange to reduce the domestic political pressure on him, then use a real or faked violation of the cease-fire by Hamas as an excuse to restart the war. After all, he needed a war to stay out of jail.

Just staying in power and out of jail drove Netanyahu’s behaviour until recently. Only the war spared Netanyahu from a devastating inquiry into his failure to foresee and prevent the Hamas attack in October 2023, and it also stalled his ongoing corruption trial. But that logic may no longer apply.

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“We changed the face of the Middle East,” Netanyahu said last week. He’s right, and it may give him a new lease on power.

Hamas is leaderless and has lost its Iranian patron. The IDF has devastated Hezbollah in Lebanon and killed its leader. Iran’s formerly dominant position in Syria was swept away together with the Assad regime. Even Iran has been revealed as a paper tiger in terms of its missiles and its air defences, and there are serious questions about its internal stability.

Now Netanyahu has U.S. President Donald Trump on his side. Not under his thumb – Trump’s people put huge pressure on Netanyahu to get his final assent to the cease-fire – but the Israeli leader will have been quick to grasp that new opportunities are opening up for him as the Middle Eastern constellation of powers shifts.

Could he get the United States to apply even stronger sanctions against Iran now that Trump is back on top? Probably yes, and in that case the road would be open for the two of them to pursue their pipe-dream from last time: the Abraham Accords.

That “peace treaty,” establishing diplomatic relations between Israel and some Arab countries that never actually had fought against it, was touted as the defining diplomatic achievement of the first Trump presidency. In fact, it never amounted to much, because Saudi Arabia, the greatest power of the eastern Arab world, never joined.

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Now, perhaps, with Iran crippled, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman (MbS) of Saudi Arabia might be persuaded to make peace with Israel and set up some sort of joint hegemony over the Middle East. Or at least, that is the pipe dream that entrances Trump and Netanyahu, and even MbS, as he is known, might be tempted. But only for a moment.

Netanyahu has been trying to write the Palestinians out of the story his whole political life, and Trump may go along for the ride. But MbS doesn’t dare let Israel expunge the Palestinians, neither does General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Egypt, and Iranians wouldn’t hear of it even if the regime changes.

There is no viable plan, and peace is not nigh.

Gwynne Dyer is an independent journalist based in London, England.

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